Economic Research Forum (ERF)

Undocumented migration: Egyptian evidence of a long-term wage penalty

801
Does the legal status of temporary migrants have an impact on their earnings potential when they return to their home countries? This column reports research on Egyptians who have worked as undocumented labourers, often in Gulf countries. The results indicate that undocumented migrants experience a wage penalty compared with documented migrants on returning to Egypt.

In a nutshell

Ignoring the legal status of temporary migrant workers and its impact on their accumulation of human capital and future earnings potential is likely to lead to erroneous policies.

Evidence from Egypt indicates that undocumented migrants have lower-ranked occupations, lower earnings and lower savings while they are overseas.

Undocumented migration has a long-term negative impact on migrants even after they return to their countries of origin.

The rise in unauthorised migration in recent years has reignited public interest in immigration and its effects. It has also brought debate on the relationship between migration and economic development to the forefront. In a study co-authored with Jackline Wahba, we examine the long-term penalty of undocumented Egyptian migration.

Egypt has been a significant labour sending country since the 1970s. Although the largest boost to migration flows occurred after the 1973 war, when oil revenues quadrupled and Gulf countries started implementing major development programmes, Egypt has continued to experience regular outflows of its workers. To a large extent this has been triggered by labour shortages in the oil-producing countries of the Gulf and the increased demand for temporary foreign labour.

The majority of Egyptian migrants have gone to neighbouring countries: both to oil-exporting Arab countries (the Gulf states, Iraq and Libya) and to non-oil-exporting Arab countries (Jordan and Lebanon) to replace nationals of those countries who migrated to the Gulf. A small proportion of Egyptian migration is permanent in nature and destined for Australia and North America.

More recently, irregular sojourn and labour have become increasingly frequent among Egyptian migrants. Irregular Egyptian migrant flows to Europe, especially to Italy and France, have increased considerably in recent years, in the context of the post-revolutionary economic downturn. In addition, many Egyptians work as undocumented labourers in Gulf countries, which constitute a major destination for Egyptian migrants.

Research on the determinants and effects of migration on the countries of origin is not new. But these studies typically ignore one important dimension of migration: the legal status of migrants.

Although there is a substantial body of work on undocumented migration, the focus has always been on the impact of illegality on migrants relative to natives in the host country. But there have been few studies examining the impact on the origin country, which can be particularly important since many illegal migrants return, either because they are deported or because they planned on temporary migration all along.

Our research examines the long-term impact of the legal status of overseas temporary migrants. It studies the impact of return migration on the wage premium in Egypt, by disentangling the effects of legal versus illegal status of migrants.

We ask whether undocumented temporary migration has any impact on migrants’ human capital accumulation that persists after return. Temporary migrants might acquire skills due to their work experience abroad and hence earn higher wages compared with stayers on return. But whether all migrants, documented and undocumented, benefit from their migration experiences on return, is not straightforward.

On the one hand, if illegal status hinders the accumulation of human capital of undocumented migrants, the well-evidenced wage premium experienced by migrants on return might be contested, and we might expect that only documented migrants would benefit from their migration experiences.

On the other hand, the origin country’s labour market might remunerate the migration experience disregarding the documented or undocumented nature of migration. In other words, if the latter scenario applies, through a signalling mechanism, all migrants would benefit from their experience overseas, unconditional on the nature of migration and/or on the human capital accumulated abroad.

Analysing data from the Egypt Labour Market Panel Survey in 2012 and accounting for the selection into temporary migration and into the legal status of migrants, we estimate the effect of overseas illegal status on wages after return. We find that undocumented migrants experience a wage penalty compared with documented migrants on return.

Our results also suggest that there is neither a wage penalty nor a wage premium for undocumented migrants compared to stayers. We also find suggestive evidence that undocumented migrants have lower-ranked occupations, lower earnings and lower savings while they are overseas.

Our results contest the positive wage premium found in previous research, suggesting that it is conditional on the type of migration undertaken. More importantly, our findings are the first to show the long-term negative impact of undocumented migration on migrants even after returning to their countries of origin.

This research has important implications. Understanding the impacts of undocumented migration on the migrant and the origin country is paramount. Indeed, it is important to examine the potential costs and penalties of unauthorised overseas work and migration.

Furthermore, our study shows that the impact of temporary migration might depend on the legal status of migrants. Hence, ignoring the legal status of migration and its impact is likely to lead to erroneous policies.

Further reading

El-Mallakh, Nelly, and Jackline Wahba (2017) ‘Return Migrants and the Wage Premium: Does the Legal Status of Migrants Matter?’ by ERF Working Paper No. 1133.

Most read

Making trade agreements more environmentally friendly in the MENA region

Trade policy can play a significant role in efforts to decarbonise the global economy. But as this column explains, there need to be more environmental provisions in trade agreements in which developing countries participate – and stronger legal enforcement of those provisions at the international level. The MENA region would benefit substantially from such changes.

Jordan: navigating through multiple crises

Jordan’s real GDP per capita is today no higher than it was 40 years ago. While external factors have undoubtedly had an adverse effect on the country’s economic outcomes, weak macroeconomic management and low public spending on investment and the social sectors have also played a substantial role. This column explores what can be done to reduce high public debt, accelerate private sector development and enhance social outcomes.

Iran’s globalisation and Saudi Arabia’s defence budget

How might Saudi Arabia react to Iran's renewed participation in global trade and investment? This column explores whether the expanding economic globalisation of Iran, following the lifting of nuclear sanctions, could yield a peace dividend for Saudi Arabia, consequently dampening the Middle East arms competition. These issues have attracted increased attention in recent times, notably after a pivotal agreement between the two countries in March 2023, marking the resumption of their political ties after a seven-year conflict.

Egypt and Iraq: amenities, environmental quality and taste for revolution

The Middle East and North Africa is a region marked by significant political turbulence. This column explores a novel dimension of these upheavals: the relationship between people’s satisfaction with, on one hand, the amenities to which they have access and the environmental quality they experience, and, on the other hand, their inclination towards revolutionary actions. The data come from the World Value Survey collected in 2018 in Egypt and Iraq.

Global value chains and domestic innovation: evidence from MENA firms

Global interlinkages play a significant role in enhancing innovation by firms in developing countries. In particular, as this column explains, participation in global value chains fosters a variety of innovation activities. Since some countries in the Middle East and North Africa display a downward trend on measures of global innovation, facilitating the GVC participation of firms in the region is a prospective channel for stimulating underperforming innovation.

Labour market effects of robots: evidence from Turkey

Evidence from developed countries on the impact of automation on labour markets suggests that there can be negative effects on manufacturing jobs, but also mechanisms for workers to move into the services sector. But this narrative may not apply in developing economies. This column reports new evidence from Turkey on the effects of robots on labour displacement and job reallocation.

Food insecurity in Tunisia during and after the Covid-19 pandemic

Labour market instability, rising unemployment rates and soaring food prices due to Covid-19 are among the reasons for severe food insecurity across the world. This grim picture is evident in Tunisia, where the government continues to provide financial and food aid to vulnerable households after the pandemic. But as this column explains, the inadequacy of some public policies is another important factors causing food insecurity.

Manufacturing firms in Egypt: trade participation and outcomes for workers

International trade can play a large and positive role in boosting economic growth, reducing poverty and making progress towards gender equality. These effects result in part from the extent to which trade is associated with favourable labour market outcomes. This column presents evidence of the effects of Egyptian manufacturing firms’ participation in exporting and importing on their workers’ productivity and average wages, and on women’s employment share.

Do capital inflows cause industrialisation or de-industrialisation?

There is a clear appeal for emerging and developing economies, including those in MENA, to finance investment in manufacturing industry at home with capital inflows from overseas. But as the evidence reported in this column indicates, this is a potentially risky strategy: rather than promoting industrialisation, capital flows can actually lead to lower manufacturing value added and/or a reallocation of resources towards industries with lower technology intensity.

Sustaining entrepreneurship: lessons from Iran

Does entrepreneurial activity naturally return to long-term average levels after big economic disturbances? This column presents new evidence from Iran on trends in entrepreneurship among various categories of firm size, sector and location – and suggests policies that could be effective in promoting entrepreneurial activities.