Economic Research Forum (ERF)

The multilateral financing paradox

811
Policy-makers increasingly tout multilateral development banks as being uniquely positioned to address today’s pressing global challenges, particularly debt crises in the developing world. But as this Project Syndicate column explains, their lending mostly benefits middle-income countries rather than the lower-income countries that need it most.

In a nutshell

Low-income countries have little to no access to capital markets and are in dire need of financing, owing to the disproportionate effects on their economies of the Covid-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine and climate change.

While multilateral development banks should increase their lending to low-income countries, doing so is complicated: a major obstacle is these countries’ limited absorptive capacity, which leads to a scarcity of bankable projects.

Sending multilateral development banks’ staff to low-income countries could help to build institutional capacities and implement projects; and increased coordination between multilateral lenders and the IMF could help to prevent future bottlenecks.

Multilateral development banks (MDBs) have become the darling of policy-makers nowadays. In a recent speech, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen called on the World Bank and other international lenders to support developing countries struggling with the effects of rising inflation and aggressive interest rate hikes. And a recent independent report commissioned by the G20 concludes that these institutions are uniquely positioned to help governments achieve the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals.

The G20 report argues that MDBs could expand their lending without hurting their AAA credit ratings, were it not for excessive capital adequacy requirements that limit lenders’ ability to take risks. But which countries would benefit the most from an increase in multilateral financing? While multilateral development banks play a critical role by providing long-term loans at concessional interest rates to low-income countries (LICs), the overwhelming majority of their financing goes to middle-income countries (MICs).

A recent OECD report finds that 70% of MDB loans went to MICs in 2020, following a large increase in lending to lower-middle-income countries (LMICs).

In other words, the problem is one of allocation, not volume.

Clearly, MDBs must significantly increase their lending to developing countries struggling with extreme poverty and limited institutional capacity. Unlike MICs, most LICs have little to no access to capital markets and are in dire need of financing, owing to the disproportionate effects on their economies of the Covid-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine and climate change.

Why, then, is multilateral lending so skewed toward MICs? The reason is rooted in the MDB financing model. International lenders like the World Bank, the African Development Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank rely on their perfect credit ratings to borrow cheaply and lend at higher rates to MICs that have not yet reached investment grade status or lost it.

At the same time, lending to LICs is somewhat separate and financed mostly by direct contributions from shareholding governments to LIC-focused bodies like the World Bank’s International Development Association. Without lending to MICs, the argument goes, the MDB model will not be viable. But with more MICs graduating to investment grade ratings, multilateral lending could eventually dwindle.

Many LICs have been trying to reduce their dependence on MDBs; several countries have even managed to borrow in international financial markets for the first time in decades. But the current confluence of economic and geopolitical crises has stalled these plans. In the face of aggressive monetary tightening, most LICs have effectively lost access to capital markets, leading to painful negotiations with creditors and a looming debt crisis.

Ghana’s recent default could be a harbinger of future financial calamities. In recent years, the emergence of non-traditional creditors like China has allowed LICs to diversify their borrowing. But the opaque nature of resource-backed loans has raised doubts about the sustainability of such financing, which seems to have dried up.

There are, however, some encouraging signs that China might join the Bretton Woods institutions in allowing LICs to restructure their debts. While MDBs should increase their lending to LICs, doing so is more complicated than many seem to realise. A major obstacle is these countries’ limited absorptive capacity, which leads to a scarcity of bankable projects.

Likewise, the fact that most LICs have underdeveloped private sectors makes it difficult to scale up investments, particularly for lenders like the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation, which focuses on support for private firms. Moreover, the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) strict debt limit policies can impede developing countries’ ability to borrow from MDBs – preventing LICs from accessing dozens of billions of dollars at a time when they need it most.

There is no easy solution to this conundrum. Sending MDB staff to LICs could help to build these countries’ institutional capacities and implement projects. And increased coordination between multilateral lenders and the IMF could help to prevent future bottlenecks.

But merely pressuring MDBs to lend more could be ineffective and even counterproductive. For example, lenders could be tempted to prioritise budget support – designed to encourage developing countries to undertake structural reforms that they might have pursued anyway – over longer-term investment projects.

Simply put, lending more is not enough. To benefit LICs and their populations, international lenders must also focus on scaling up meaningful, transformative investments. Then, and only then, will the MDB model finally reach its full potential.

This article was originally published by Project Syndicate. Read the original article.

Most read

Growth in the Middle East and North Africa

What is the economic outlook for the Middle East and North Africa? How is the current conflict centred in Gaza affecting economies in the region? What are the potential long-term effects of conflict on development? And which strategies can MENA countries adopt to accelerate economic growth? This column outlines the findings in the World Bank’s latest half-yearly MENA Economic Update, which answers these questions and more.

Trust in Lebanon’s public institutions: a challenge for the new leadership

Lebanon’s new leadership confronts daunting economic challenges amid geopolitical tensions across the wider region. As this column explains, understanding what has happened over the past decade to citizens’ trust in key public institutions – parliament, the government and the armed forces – will be a crucial part of the policy response.

Climate change: a growing threat to sustainable development in Tunisia

Tunisia’s vulnerability to extreme weather events is intensifying, placing immense pressure on vital sectors such as agriculture, energy and water resources, exacerbating inequalities and hindering social progress. This column explores the economic impacts of climate change on the country, its implications for achieving the sustainable development goals, and the urgent need for adaptive strategies and policy interventions.

Assessing Jordan’s progress on the sustainable development goals

Global, regional and national assessments of countries’ progress towards reaching the sustainable development goals do not always tell the same story. This column examines the case of Jordan, which is among the world’s leaders in statistical performance on the SDGs.

Small businesses in the Great Lockdown: lessons for crisis management

Understanding big economic shocks like Covid-19 and how firms respond to them is crucial for mitigating their negative effects and accelerating the post-crisis recovery. This column reports evidence on how small and medium-sized enterprises in Tunisia’s formal business sector adapted to the pandemic and the lockdown – and draws policy lessons for when the next crisis hits.

Unleashing the potential of Egyptian exports for sustainable development

Despite several waves of trade liberalisation, Egypt’s integration in the world economy has remained modest. In addition, the structure of its exports has not changed and remains largely dominated by traditional products. This column argues that the government should develop a new export strategy that is forward-looking by taking account not only of the country’s comparative advantage, but also how global demand evolves. The strategy should also be more inclusive and more supportive of sustainable development.

The threat of cybercrime in MENA economies

The MENA region’s increasing access to digital information and internet usage has led to an explosion in e-commerce and widespread interest in cryptocurrencies. At the same time, cybercrime, which includes hacking, malware, online fraud and harassment, has spread across digital networks. This column outlines the challenges.

Rising influence: women’s empowerment within Arab households

In 2016 and again in 2022, a reliable poll of public opinion in the Arab world asked respondents in seven countries whether they agreed with the statement that ‘a man should have final say in all decisions concerning the family’. As this column reports, the changing balance of responses between the two surveys gives an indication of whether there been progress in the distribution of decision-making within households towards greater empowerment of women.

Macroeconomic policy-making for sustainable development in Egypt

In recent years, economic policy in Egypt has been focused primarily on macroeconomic stabilisation to curb inflation, to reduce the fiscal deficit and the current account deficit, and to increase GDP growth. As this column explains, this has come at the expense of the country’s progress on the Sustainable Development Goals, which is rather modest compared with other economies in the region or at the same income level. Sustainable development needs to be more integrated with the conception and implementation of fiscal and monetary policies.

Qatarisation: playing the long game on workforce nationalisation

As national populations across the Gulf have grown and hydrocarbon reserves declined, most Gulf countries have sought to move to a more sustainable economic model underpinned by raising the share of citizens in the productive private sector. But, as this column explains, Qatar differs from its neighbours in several important ways that could render aggressive workforce nationalization policies counterproductive. In terms of such policies, the country should chart its own path.