Economic Research Forum (ERF)

Trading with China: implications for growth in MENA countries

1622
What is the impact of trade with China on growth in the Middle East and North Africa? This column presents new findings that reveal the absolute dominance of China's growth in generating positive spillover effects for the region.

In a nutshell

Spillover effects on growth arising from bilateral trade linkages within the MENA region are limited to just a few countries – the large and/or oil-producing economies of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates.

China has far more powerful effects on MENA growth through its trade partners in the region: a 1% increase in the trade balance as a share of GDP in China is associated with 0.4145% increase in GDP growth for the MENA region.

That the region does not benefit from its own growth spillovers through trade is an issue that MENA policy-makers should examine in their future deliberations.

To what extent does economic growth in one country in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region ‘spill over’ to boost growth in others? In recent research, we postulate that such spatial effects of growth in MENA countries may arise on the basis of geography, bilateral trade or institutional similarities (Baysoy and Altug, 2021).

We find evidence for spatial dependence among the MENA countries. We also show that the spillover effects of growth are due to economic activities in countries that trade primarily in oil. Considering the role of trade, we show that the spillover effects on growth arising from bilateral trade linkages are limited to just a few countries – Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates – which is not enough for the emergence of substantial growth spillovers within the region.

Here, we extend our analysis to include China as one of the countries through which spatial growth effects may arise in the region. Incorporating the China in an analysis of growth spillovers seems especially relevant, as the country has emerged as a major trading partner for both developed and developing regions of the world in recent decades.

For over a millennium, China maintained its position as a world trading power through the Silk Route, which was a vast trading network with north, central and south sea-faring routes (Çınar et al, 2015). The country’s new Belt and Road Initiative seeks to recreate the ancient Silk Road through infrastructure projects encompassing 60% of the world’s population (across 65 countries) and 30% of global GDP. Hence, understanding China’s role in creating potential growth spillovers for the MENA region seems a key issue.

There are a few studies that have sought to understand the nature of spillovers for the MENA region. In contrast to our approach, they focus on the cyclical response to foreign shocks as the source of regional spillovers.

Hanson et al (2018) find that trade and financial flows between MENA countries are modest. They also find that increased trade ties between China and other large emerging economies have led to an increase in growth spillovers from the largest emerging market economies to the developing MENA region. They conclude that ‘on average, growth spillovers from China to developing MENA are as big as those from the Euro Area (EA), and in some cases even higher.’

Cashin et al (2012) study the spillover effects from macroeconomic shocks in systemic economies (China, the Euro Area and the United States) to the MENA region. They show that the MENA countries are more sensitive to developments in China than to shocks in the Euro Area or the United States, in line with the direction of evolving trade patterns and the emergence of China as a key driver of the global economy.

Our analysis captures the spatial dependence that arises when a country’s growth depends on its neighbour’s growth. We consider a trade-weighting matrix based on bilateral trade linkages for China and 18 MENA countries: United Arab Emirates (ARE), Bahrain (BHR), Djibouti (DJI), Algeria (DZA), Egypt (EGY), Islamic Republic of Iran (IRN), Iraq (IRQ), Israel (ISR), Jordan (JOR), Kuwait (KWT), Lebanon (LBN), Morocco (MAR), Malta (MLT), Oman (OMN), Qatar (QAT), Saudi Arabia (SAU), Tunisia (TUN) and Turkey (TUR).

We use a panel of nine periods based on five-year averages of real GDP growth rates. Our results show that part of the growth of each country is through the spatial effect of neighbouring countries’ growth. Specifically, we find that a 1% increase in the weighted average of neighbouring countries’ growth rates increases a MENA country’s domestic growth by 0.26%.

 

Figure 1: Indirect and direct effects of the trade balance on GDP growth
Indirect effects

Direct effects

We also examine how a change in a given explanatory variable in one country can affect the growth of all other countries, accounting for the spillover effects in growth. This is known as indirect effect deriving from a change in a given explanatory variable. Likewise, the direct effect of a given explanatory variable in one country arises from the feedback effects of other individual countries’ growth on its own growth.

The indirect and direct effects of a change in the trade balance are shown in Figure 1. China has by far the largest indirect and direct effects, followed by the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

The three MENA countries are also the largest economies in the region with respect to their real GDP. But the indirect effects of the trade balance variable due to China are nearly three times greater than the indirect effects due to the three MENA countries.

In Baysoy and Altug (2021), we noted that institutions in the MENA region have been built around the production and sale of a relatively homogeneous good – oil – which is sold on organised exchanges and does not require complex forms of contracting.

Hence, the comparative advantage associated with trade in goods that require more complex forms of contracting institutions is not captured by MENA countries, which rely on the growth effects that oil-rich countries create for oil-poor ones in the region based on such factors as remittances, aid and investment flows (Luciani, 2017).

There may be other reasons that limit the scope for trade in the MENA region such as the lack of trade liberalisation and restrictive trade practices.

But the salient finding from Figure 1 is the absolute dominance of China’s growth in generating spillover effects for the region. Hanson et al (2018) argue that while spillovers from China for the MENA region as a whole are small, there may be third-party effects from China spillovers. These occur as China affects the largest economies in the MENA region, such as Turkey, which in turn can affect other countries that are not directly affected by China.

Cashin et al (2012) make a similar point by noting that even if countries do not trade as much with a systemic country like China, they may be influenced by its dominance through other partners’ trade. Their study considers trade weights averaged over the periods 1986-88 and 2006-08 separately.

They find that that ‘20 years ago, a negative Chinese output shock would not have had a statistically significant effect on either the systemic economies, major oil exporters, or the MENA region…’ By contrast, not only does ‘a [current] Chinese GDP shock affect the global economy in a much more prominent way, but the median effects are generally much larger than two decades ago’.

In our case, we consider bilateral trade weights averaged over the period 2010-12 and find that a 1% increase in the trade balance as a share of GDP in China is associated with 0.4145% increase in GDP growth for the MENA region.

We conclude our analysis by noting that growth spillovers from trade in the MENA region appear to arise from two distinct phenomena: one is through the activities of the largest economies in the region, which include the oil-producing countries together with Turkey; while the second is through the dominance that China exerts through its trade partners in the region.

That the region does not benefit from its own growth spillovers through trade is an issue that policy-makers in the region should examine in their future deliberations.

 

Further reading

Baysoy, MA, and S Altug (2021) ‘Growth Spillovers for the MENA Region: Geography, Institutions, or Trade?’, The Developing Economies 59: 275-305.

Cashin, P, K Mohaddes and M Raissi (2012) ‘The Global Impact of the Systemic Economies and MENA Business Cycles’, International Monetary Fund Working Paper 12/255.

Cinar, EM, K Geusz and J Johnson (2015) ‘Historical Perspectives on Trade and Risk on the Silk Road, Middle East and China’, in Topics in Middle Eastern and African Economies: Proceedings of the Middle East Economic Association.

Hanson, J, R Huidrom and E Islamaj (2018 ‘Growth Spillovers to Developing MENA’, manuscript, International Monetary Fund.

Luciani, G (2017) ‘Oil Rent and Regional Economic Development in MENA’, in Combining Economic and Political Development: The Experience of MENA, International Development Policy series 7, Graduate Institute Publications: 211-30.

Most read

Sanctions and the shrinking size of Iran’s middle class

International sanctions imposed on Iran from 2012 have reduced the size of the country’s middle class, according to new research summarised in this column. The findings highlight the profound social consequences of economic pressure, not least given the crucial role of that segment of society for national innovation, growth and stability. The study underscores the need for policies to safeguard the civilian population in countries targeted by sanctions.

Artificial intelligence and the renewable energy transition in MENA

Artificial intelligence has the potential to bridge the gap between abundant natural resources and the pressing need for reliable, sustainable power in the Middle East and North Africa. This column outlines the constraints and proposes policies that can address the challenges of variability of renewable resources and stress on power grids, and support the transformation of ‘sunlight’ to ‘smart power’.

Green jobs for MENA in the age of AI: crafting a sustainable labour market

Arab economies face a dual transformation: the decarbonisation imperative driven by climate change; and the rapid digitalisation brought by artificial intelligence. This column argues that by strategically managing the green-AI nexus, policy-makers in the region can position their countries not merely as followers adapting to global mandates but as leaders in sustainable innovation.

Egypt’s forgotten democratisation: a challenge to modern myths about MENA

A widely held narrative asserts that countries in the Middle East are inevitably authoritarian. This column reports new research that tracks Egyptian parliamentarians since 1824 to reveal that the region’s struggle with democracy is not in fact about cultural incompatibility: it’s about colonialism disrupting home-grown democratic movements and elite conflicts being resolved through disenfranchisement rather than power-sharing.

MENA integration into global value chains and sustainable development

Despite the geopolitical advantages, abundant natural resources and young populations of many countries in the Middle East and North Africa, they remain on the periphery of global value chains, the international networks of production and service activities that now dominate the world economy. This column explains the positive impact of integration into GVCs on exports and employment; its role in technology transfer and capacity upgrading; and the structural barriers that constrain the region’s involvement. Greater GVC participation can help to deliver structural transformation and sustainable development.

Arab youth and the future of work

The Arab region’s labour markets are undergoing a triple transformation: demographic, digital and green. As this column explains, whether these forces evolve into engines of opportunity or drivers of exclusion for young people will hinge on how swiftly and coherently policy-makers can align education, technology and employment systems to foster adaptive skills, inclusive institutions and innovation-led pathways to decent work.

Wrong finance in a broken multilateral system: red flags from COP30-Belém

With the latest global summit on climate action recently wrapped up, ambitious COP pledges and initiatives continue to miss delivery due to inadequate commitments, weak operationalisation and unclear reporting systems. As this column reports, flows of climate finance remain skewed: loans over grants; climate mitigation more than climate adaptation; and weak accountability across mechanisms. Without grant-based finance, debt relief, climate-adjusted lending and predictable multilateral flows, implementation of promises will fail.

Why political connections are driving business confidence in MENA

This column reports the findings of a new study of how the political ties of firms in the Middle East and North Africa boost business confidence. The research suggests that this optimism is primarily driven by networked access to credit and lobbying, underscoring the need for greater transparency and institutional reform in corporate governance.

Digitalising governance in MENA: opportunities for social justice

Can digital governance promote social justice in MENA – or does it risk deepening inequality and exclusion? This column examines the evolution of digital governance in three sub-regions – Egypt, Jordan and the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council – highlighting how data practices, transparency mechanisms and citizen trust shape the social outcomes of technological reform.